United States.UAP Disclosure Act 2025 (S.Amdt.3111)

The UAP Disclosure Act was first introduced in July 2023 by Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Senator Mike Rounds (R-SD) as an amendment to the NDAA FY 2024. The text was explicitly modeled on the 1992 JFK Assassination Records Collection Act — the legislation that forced public release of Kennedy assassination files through an independent Assassination Records Review Board. The translation to the UAP domain proposed the creation of a UAP Records Review Board: nine presidentially appointed citizens with authority to identify UAP records across any federal agency, review them, and force declassification under a positive release presumption. The 2023 version also included an eminent-domain provision over recovered UAP material in private hands — language without precedent in intelligence legislation that operationally assumes the existence of recovered technology under corporate custody.

The 2023 version was 'gutted' in conference with the House: the eminent-domain provisions and the positive-presumption mechanism were removed before NDAA FY 2024 was passed. Schumer, Rounds and Gillibrand (D-NY, co-introducer since 2024) reintroduced an amended version as S.Amdt.3111 to NDAA S.2296 (FY 2026) in 2025, with bipartisan co-sponsorship by Rubio (R-FL), Young (R-IN) and Heinrich (D-NM). The reintroduced text reinstated the Records Review Board but modified the eminent-domain language. S.Amdt.3111 is publicly available on Congress.gov.

The Act has become the central legislative vehicle of the 2023–2026 disclosure cycle, and its three reintroductions —and two 'guttings'— are tracked in real time by specialized press (NewsNation, The Liberation Times, Sol Foundation). One of the three formal demands David Grusch and lawmakers presented at the June 9, 2026 Capitol press conference ↗ is passage of the full Act. The Burlison/FFRDC operation ↗ operates on the House side and on contractor investigation; the UAP Disclosure Act is the Senate-side complement and the Records Review Board framework. Together they articulate the cycle's bilateral legislative architecture: House investigates contractors (subpoena → MITRE/RAND/Northrop), Senate attempts to legislate the structural release channel (UAP Records Collection + independent Review Board). Among the senior staff who sustained this institutional architecture is Kirk McConnell —an adviser to the congressional Armed Services and Intelligence committees for nearly four decades and one of the Senate's lead staffers on UAP, retired in 2024—, who after his retirement became a public advocate for declassification.

It is the most ambitious legislative document of the 2023–2026 cycle: it transplants the JFK Records Act model —which historically worked in forcing release of classified files through an independent board— to the UAP domain. Its importance for the corpus is threefold. First, primary: it is legislative text accessible on Congress.gov, not testimony or leak; Tier A for institutional quality (Schumer + bipartisan, NDAA vehicle); not Tier S since it is pending legislation, not evidence or effective disclosure. Second, interpretive: the inclusion of eminent-domain language in the 2023 version is the strongest Congress operative assertion on the existence of recovered UAP material under corporate custody — the corpus reads it as limited support for the non-human covert narrative (which now includes reverse-engineering and the treaty narrative), even though the provision was gutted. Third, structural: it completes the cycle's legislative architecture. The prior Burlison/FFRDC PR ↗ covers the House/contractor side; this case covers the Senate/records-framework side. Without it, the institutional reading of the cycle is incomplete. Its fragility —which keeps it at Tier A— is operative: the Act still has not passed in full form after three reintroductions, and the legislative methodology of 'introduce → gut → reintroduce' can be either escalating pressure or institutional capture theatre.